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DynCorp International
DynCorp began in 1946 as the employee-owned air cargo
business California Eastern Airways, flying in supplies for the
Korean War.
One
of DynCorp's earliest "police" contracts involved the protection of Haitian
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and, after he was ousted, providing the
"technical advice" that brought military officers involved in that coup into
Haiti's National Police.
High-ranking members of
the Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN), which had been set up and
financed in the 1980s by the US CIA as part of the
war on drugs, were
involved in the coup, and were reportedly still receiving funding and training
from the CIA for intelligence-gathering activities at the time of the coup.
Representative John Conyers (D-Michigan) expressed
concern that the only US government agency to publicly recognize the Haitian
junta's role in drug trafficking was the DEA, and that, despite a wealth of
evidence provided by the DEA proving the junta's drug connections, the
Clinton
administration downplayed this factor rather than use it as a hedge against
the junta (as the US government had
done against General Manuel Noriega).
DynCorp
grew up as part of the paramilitary drug eradictaion efforts in
Columbia. Aerial spraying
of glyphosate
herbicide, one of the most controversial methods of coca eradication, has
taken place in Colombia exclusively because of that government's willingness to
coöperate with the US in the militarized eradication of coca after signing
Plan Colombia in 2000.
In most cases the spraying was, and is, carried
out by American contractors, including DynCorp, using planes and helicopters to
spray glyphosate on coca
plantations.
Recently, Boliviana negra, a glyphosate resistant type of
genetically engineered coca plant has been introduced, which was found to
resist glyphosate herbicides
as well as have an increased yield.
By 2001 DynCorp oversaw an aerial
fleet of forty-six helicopters and twenty-three fixed-wing aircraft which
operated from twenty-three locations spread out over Colombia, Bolivia and
Peru.
Representative Janice D. "Jan"
Schakowsky, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, claimed that
US taxpayers have been
funding a secret war that has the potential to slowly but surely draw America
further into a poorly understood
counterinsurgency
conflict in South America.
According to investigative reporter Jason
Vest, DynCorp employees were also implicated in narcotics
trafficking.
DynCorp's day-to-day
operations in South America were overseen by State Department officials,
including the Narcotic Affairs Section and the Air Wing, the latter a clique of
unreformed cold warriors and leftovers from 80s operations in Central America.
It was essentially the State Department's private air force in the Andes, with
access to satellite-based recording and mapping systems.
In September
2001, Ecuadorian Indians filed a class action lawsuit, charging that DynCorp
recklessly sprayed their homes and farms, causing illnesses and deaths and
destroying crops. After this Dyncorp developed military logistics centers and
coordinated "anti-terror" police training. According to a November 2003
exposé in Quito's El Comercio, the arrangement, hidden from the National
Defense Council, made DynCorp's people part of the
US diplomatic mission. The exposure
of a secret covenant signed with the Aeronautics Industries Directorate of the
Ecuadorian Air Force eventually resulted in the election of Juan Evo Morales
Ayma.
In Colombia, DynCorp's coca
eradication and search-and-rescue missions led to controversial pitched battles
with rebels. US contract pilots flew Black Hawk helicopters carrying Colombian
police officers who raked the countryside with machine gun fire to protect the
missions against attacks. DynCorp's "trainers" simply ignored congressional
rules, including those that restrict the US from aiding
military units linked to
human rights abuses.
Over
forty years
an estimated 40,000 have been killed and 2 million displaced as a result of the
fighting in Columbia between government forces and the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC). In 1985 the FARC laid down its arms and entered into a
peace process with the government of Belisario Betancur. The Patriotic Union
was founded to participate in electoral activities but within several years as
many as 5,000 Patriotic Union elected officials, candidates, trade unionists,
community organizers and other activists were murdered by Colombian security
forces and government-linked right-wing death squads, especially the notorious
United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) and its late leader Carlos
Castano. Eight congressmen, 70 councilmen, dozens of deputies and mayors and
hundreds of trade unionists and peasant leaders were slain and in 1989-1990 two
of its presidential candidates were murdered within seven months. Faced with
complete extermination, the FARC rearmed and sought refuge in the southeast of
the country.
"Are we
outsourcing order to avoid public scrutiny, controversy or
embarrassment? If there is
a potential for a privatized
Gulf of Tonkin
incident, then the American people
deserve to have a full and open debate before this policy goes any
further." - Rep. Schakowsky upon submitting legislation to prohibit US
funding for private military corporations in the Andean region
Dyncorp
then became a leading private military corporation, hiring former soldiers and
police officers to implement US foreign policy without having to report to
Congress.
The push to privatize war began under
the Nixon Administration and gained traction during the first Bush
administration. After the first Gulf War, the Pentagon, then headed by Defense
Secretary Richard Bruce Cheney, paid
a Halliburton subsidiary nearly $9
million to study how private military corporation's could support US soldiers
in combat zones, according to a Mother Jones investigation.
Richard Bruce Cheney, CEO of
Halliburton, and Brown & Root, later known as
Halliburton KBR, won
billions to construct and run military bases, some in secret
locations.
2002
DynCorp, headquartered in Reston, Virginia, is the nation's 13th largest
military contractor with $2.3
billion in revenue when it is acquired by
Computer Sciences.
Dyncorp "wins the contract" to protect
Hamid Karzai.
DynCorp contract is a prime example of how the executive branch
unilaterally implements policy by taking
shortcuts to the rule of law.
No one knows what DynCorp specifically is contracted to do because of
claims that disclosure would compromise
proprietary
knowledge of DynCorp - protected by the "trade secrets
exemption" in the Freedom of Information Act.
"The kind of
routine oversight that official military activities would be subjected to are
evaded by contractors as a matter of course. This highlights how the whole
phenomenon of privatizing military functions has enabled the government to
evade oversight to a shocking degree." - Steven Aftergood
2003 DynCorp won a multimillion-dollar
contract to build a private police force in post-Saddam Iraq, with some of the
funding diverted from an anti-drug program for Afghanistan.
2004 State Department further expanded DynCorp's role as a
global US surrogate with a $1.75 billion, five year contract to
provide law enforcement personnel for civilian
policing operations in "post-conflict areas" around the world.
2006 Remnants of the
Taliban, with the support
of the Afghan people, begin staging more effective guerilla
attacks.
With DynCorp overwhelmed, the American military gets back into
the business of opium poppy
eradication.
"This new push will destroy the livelihood of poor Afghani
people. The killing
of Afghans civilians marked as mujahideen will only cause the Afghans to
resist the occupation more intensely.
Many empires have
invaded and conquered Afghanistan throughout history and all have eventually
been defeated. Western civilization has an opportunity to create
prosperity in
Afghanistan. On Earth there is a shortage of painkillers and
the Afghans are producing more opium
than ever. Although different factions will always struggle for control of
Afghanistan, just as they do everywhere else on Earth, control is less
important if all prosper. Civil unrest always occurs when living conditions are
harsh. Spraying opium poppy crops
with 2-4,D (Agent
Orange) is not the answer to the Afghan problem.
Prosperity for
common Afghans could bring a peace to Afghanistan that could endure for
centuries. Unfortunately those in
power can not see that attempts to control Afghanistan with a foreign
occupation have failed throughout history." - Athbhreith Athbheochan
11/06
"Afghan peasants grow opium
because it is the only crop they can sell for a decent price. Will we win
their hearts and minds by burning their fields or bombing them with toxic
chemicals? Not likely. How then to deal with this dangerous crop in a way that
also will advance our
larger objectives? Buy it - all of it. Offer a price equal to or slightly
above what the drug lords pay. Offer the peasants protection against drug lords
who object. We are the toughest gang in town, after all. Refine our purchases
into opium to sell (or better, give) to hospitals. If we have any left over,
destroy it. Keep doing this year after year until we can help the growers find
an equally lucrative crop to sustain their meager lifestyles. " - Charles Bell
2007 Washington transferred its ambassador to
Colombia, William Wood, to Afghanistan to oversee the application of the
Colombian model of
counterinsurgency
under the guise of combating drug cultivation.
"In 2007 private
security guards working for Blackwater and Dyncorp were
earning up to $1,222 a day or $445,000 a year. An Army sergeant earned $140 to
$190 a day in pay and benefits, a total of $51,100 to $69,350 a year." -
Joseph Stiglitz
Two
years later Afghanistan was estimated to account for over 90% of the illegal
opium production in the
world.
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the elevation of self-centered behavior and the destruction of global
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