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1946DynCorp began in as the employee-owned air cargo business
California Eastern Airways, flying in supplies for the
Korean War.
One
of DynCorp's earliest "police" contracts involved the protection of Haitian
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and, after he was ousted, providing the
"technical advice" that brought military officers involved in that coup into
Haiti's National Police.
High-ranking members of the Haitian National
Intelligence Service (SIN), which had been set up and financed in the 1980s by
the US CIA as part of the war
on drugs, were involved in the coup, and were reportedly still receiving
funding and training from the CIA for intelligence-gathering activities at the
time of the coup.
Representative John Conyers (D-Michigan) expressed
concern that the only US government agency to publicly recognize the Haitian
junta's role in drug trafficking was the
DEA, and that, despite a
wealth of evidence provided by the DEA proving the junta's drug connections,
the Clinton
administration downplayed this factor rather than use it as a hedge against
the junta (as the US government
had done against General Manuel Noriega).
1985 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia lays down its arms
and enters a peace process with the government of Belisario Betancur.
The Patriotic Union is founded to participate in electoral
activities.
Within a few years as many as 5,000 Patriotic Union
elected officials, candidates, trade unionists, community organizers and other
activists have been murdered by Colombian security forces and government-linked
right-wing death squads, especially the notorious United Self-Defense Forces
of Colombia (AUC).
Eight congressmen, 70 councilmen, dozens of
deputies and mayors and hundreds of trade unionists and peasant leaders are
slain and in 1989-1990 two of its presidential candidates are murdered within
seven months.
FARC rearms and seeks refuge in the southeast of the
country.
DynCorp expands as part of the paramilitary drug eradictaion
efforts in Columbia.
Aerial spraying of
glyphosate
herbicide, a method of coca eradication reminiscent of Operation Ranch
Hand, takes place in Colombia exclusively because of that government's
willingness to coöperate with the US in the militarized eradication of
coca after signing Plan Colombia in 2000.
In most cases the
spraying is carried out by American contractors,
including DynCorp, using planes and helicopters to spray
glyphosate on coca
plantations.
Recently, Boliviana negra, a glyphosate resistant type of
genetically engineered coca plant has been introduced, which was found to
resist glyphosate herbicides as well as have an increased yield.
2001 DynCorp oversees an aerial fleet of forty-six helicopters
and twenty-three fixed-wing aircraft which operated from twenty-three locations
spread out over Colombia, Bolivia and Peru.
Representative Janice D.
"Jan" Schakowsky, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, claims
US taxpayers have been
funding a secret war that has the potential to slowly but surely draw America
further into a poorly understood
counterinsurgency
conflict in South America.
According to investigative reporter Jason
Vest, DynCorp employees are implicated in narcotics
trafficking.
DynCorp' day-to-day operations in South America are
overseen by State
Department officials, including the Narcotic Affairs Section and the Air
Wing, unreformed cold
warriors, leftovers from 80s operations in Central America.
It was
essentially the State Department's private air force in the Andes, with access
to satellite-based recording and mapping systems.
Ecuadorian Indians
file a class action lawsuit, charging DynCorp recklessly sprayed their farms,
causing illnesses and deaths and destroying crops.
Dyncorp develops
military logistics centers coordinating "anti-terror" training.
November 2003 Quito's El Comercio, reveals arrangement,
hidden from the National Defense Council, making DynCorp a
US diplomatic mission.
Exposure of the secret covenant signed by
Aeronautics Industries Directorate of the Air Force results in the
election of Juan Evo Morales Ayma.
In Colombia, DynCorp's coca
eradication led to pitched battles with rebels.
US contract pilots flew
Black Hawk helicopters carrying Colombian police officers who raked the
countryside with machine gun fire.
DynCorp's "trainers" simply ignored
congressional rules, including those that restrict the US from aiding
military units linked to
human rights abuses.
Over
forty years an
estimated 40,000 are killed and 2 million displaced as a result of the fighting
in Columbia between government forces and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC).
"Are we outsourcing order to
avoid public
scrutiny, controversy or
embarrassment?
If there is a potential for
a privatized Gulf of Tonkin
incident, then the American people
deserve to have a full and open debate before this policy goes any
further." - Rep. Schakowsky upon submitting legislation to prohibit US
funding for private military corporations in the Andean region
Dyncorp
then became a leading private military corporation, hiring former soldiers and
police officers to implement US foreign policy without having to report to
Congress.
The push to
privatize war began under the Nixon Administration and gained traction
during the first Bush administration.
After the
Gulf War, the Pentagon, then headed
by Defense Secretary Richard Bruce
Cheney, paid a Halliburton subsidiary nearly $9 million to study how
private military corporation's could support US soldiers in combat zones,
according to a Mother Jones investigation.
Richard Bruce Cheney, CEO of
Halliburton, and Brown & Root, later known as
Halliburton
KBR, won billions to construct and run military bases, some in secret
locations.
2002 DynCorp, headquartered in Reston,
Virginia, is the nation's 13th largest
military contractor with
$2.3 billion in revenue when it is acquired by
Computer Sciences.
Dyncorp "wins the contract" to protect
Hamid Karzai.
DynCorp contract is a prime example of how the executive branch
unilaterally implements policy by taking
shortcuts to the rule of law.
No one knows what DynCorp specifically is contracted to do because of
claims that disclosure would compromise
proprietary
knowledge of DynCorp - protected by the "trade secrets exemption"
in the Freedom of Information Act.
"The kind of routine
oversight that official military activities would be subjected to are evaded by
contractors as a matter of course.
This highlights how the whole
phenomenon of privatizing military functions has enabled the government to
evade oversight to a shocking degree." - Steven Aftergood
2003 DynCorp won a multimillion-dollar contract to build a
private police force in post-Saddam Iraq, with some of the funding diverted
from an anti-drug program for Afghanistan.
2004
State Department further expanded DynCorp's role as a global US surrogate with
a $1.75 billion, five year contract to provide
law enforcement personnel for civilian policing operations in
"post-conflict areas" around the world.
2006
Remnants of the
Taliban, with the support
of the Afghan people, begin staging more effective guerilla
attacks.
With DynCorp overwhelmed, the American military gets back into
the business of opium poppy
eradication.
"This new push will destroy the livelihood of poor
Afghani people. The killing of Afghans
civilians marked as mujahideen will only cause the Afghans to resist the
occupation more intensely.
Many empires have invaded
and conquered Afghanistan throughout history and all have eventually been
defeated.
Western civilization has
an opportunity to
create prosperity in Afghanistan.
On Earth there is a shortage of
opiate painkillers and the Afghans are
producing more opium than ever.
Although different factions will
always struggle for control of Afghanistan, just as they do everywhere else on
Earth, control is less important if all prosper.
Civil unrest always
occurs when living conditions are harsh.
Spraying
opium poppy crops with 2-4,D
(Agent Orange) is
not the answer to the Afghan problem.
Prosperity for
common Afghans could bring a peace to Afghanistan that could endure for
centuries.
Unfortunately those in
power can not see that attempts to control Afghanistan with a foreign
occupation have failed throughout history." - Athbhreith Athbheochan
11/06
"Afghan
peasants grow opium because it is the only crop they can sell for a decent
price.
Will we win their hearts and minds by burning their fields
or bombing them with toxic chemicals?
Not likely.
How then to
deal with this dangerous crop in a way that also will
advance our larger
objectives?
Buy it - all of it.
Offer a price equal to or
slightly above what the drug lords pay.
Offer the peasants protection
against drug lords who object.
We are the toughest gang in town, after
all.
Refine our purchases into opium to sell (or better, give) to
hospitals.
If we have any left over, destroy it.
Keep doing
this year after year until we can help the growers find an equally lucrative
crop to sustain their meager
lifestyles. " - Charles Bell
2007 Washington transferred its ambassador to Colombia,
William Wood, to Afghanistan to oversee the application of the Colombian model
of counterinsurgency
under the guise of combating drug cultivation.
"In 2007 private
security guards working for Blackwater and Dyncorp were
earning up to $1,222 a day or $445,000 a year.
An Army sergeant earned
$140 to $190 a day in pay and benefits, a total of $51,100 to $69,350 a year."
- Joseph
Stiglitz
Two years later Afghanistan was estimated to account for
over 90% of the illegal opium
production in the world.
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